Milarities with native African Americans (Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999) and the role of

Milarities with native African Americans (Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999) and the role of race as a `master status’ in the U.S. (Foner, 2005; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). Consequently, Black Caribbeans have been historically treated in a manner largely indistinguishable from their African American counterparts, including encounters with racial prejudice and discrimination in employment, housing, education, and health care (Sutton Chaney, 1987; Vickerman, 1999). Notwithstanding similarities in the racial and social circumstances of these two groups, Caribbean Blacks are also immigrants with distinctive cultural experiences and histories and who have experienced the challenges associated with immigration (i.e., geographic dislocation, disruptions in family and social bonds and networks, difficulties in RR6 manufacturer relocating in a receiving country and forming new networks). Similar to other immigrating groups (Cadge Ecklund, 2006; Foley Hoge, 2007; Warner, 1998; Yang Ebaugh, 2001b), participation in worship communities is an important aspect of the immigration experience of Caribbean Blacks and a primary means by which new immigrants are incorporated into U.S. culture. Religious institutions figure prominently in the Black Caribbean immigration process (Bashi, 2007) and constitute important linkages and bridges for immigrants in making the transition from sending to receiving countries. Worship communities provide pre-immigration referral networks that identify sponsors and select suitable candidates for migration, as well as post-immigration assistance with social and tangible resources for resettlement in the U.S. Once in the U.S., religion and worship communities function as ethnic repositories (Vickerman, 2001a; Yang Ebaugh, 2001a) that provide social and psychological benefits for immigrants such as: 1) maintaining cultural symbols, practices and ethnic identities, 2) developing social networks and cultural ties, and 3) providing reference groups and norms for positive self-perceptions (Bashi, 2007; Cadge Ecklund, 2006; Ebaugh Curry, 2000; Foley Hoge, 2007; Kurien, 2006; Maynard-Reid, 2000; Stepick et al., 2009; Vickerman, 2001a; Waters, 1999). Specifically, these associations develop and reinforce ethnic identities and reinforce an “immigrant RR6 web ideology” and associated traits such as achievement, hard work, and piety (Bashi, 2007; Vickerman, 1999). Religious communities, then, constitute co-ethnic social networks that provide extensive psychological, social and community benefits and services to Caribbean immigrant communities (Bashi, 2007; Stepick et al., 2009). Religious institutions within Caribbean Black communities in the U.S. also mediate the broader social, political and racial environments for their constituents, a function that is particularly critical with respect to race. The U.S. context places Caribbean Blacks in a social system in which their racial background (i.e., black race) is salient, devalued and stigmatized and which adversely impacts life circumstances and opportunities in several domains (e.g., education, employment, housing, and health care). Furthermore, because the significance attached to race in the U.S. is at odds with their prior socialization experiences, Caribbean Blacks develop a new sense of self in relation to prevailing racial and ethnic hierarchies (i.e., “learn to be black”) and that incorporates their status as immigrants. This ongoing process of confrontation and negotiation occurs within.Milarities with native African Americans (Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999) and the role of race as a `master status’ in the U.S. (Foner, 2005; Vickerman, 1999; Waters, 1999). Consequently, Black Caribbeans have been historically treated in a manner largely indistinguishable from their African American counterparts, including encounters with racial prejudice and discrimination in employment, housing, education, and health care (Sutton Chaney, 1987; Vickerman, 1999). Notwithstanding similarities in the racial and social circumstances of these two groups, Caribbean Blacks are also immigrants with distinctive cultural experiences and histories and who have experienced the challenges associated with immigration (i.e., geographic dislocation, disruptions in family and social bonds and networks, difficulties in relocating in a receiving country and forming new networks). Similar to other immigrating groups (Cadge Ecklund, 2006; Foley Hoge, 2007; Warner, 1998; Yang Ebaugh, 2001b), participation in worship communities is an important aspect of the immigration experience of Caribbean Blacks and a primary means by which new immigrants are incorporated into U.S. culture. Religious institutions figure prominently in the Black Caribbean immigration process (Bashi, 2007) and constitute important linkages and bridges for immigrants in making the transition from sending to receiving countries. Worship communities provide pre-immigration referral networks that identify sponsors and select suitable candidates for migration, as well as post-immigration assistance with social and tangible resources for resettlement in the U.S. Once in the U.S., religion and worship communities function as ethnic repositories (Vickerman, 2001a; Yang Ebaugh, 2001a) that provide social and psychological benefits for immigrants such as: 1) maintaining cultural symbols, practices and ethnic identities, 2) developing social networks and cultural ties, and 3) providing reference groups and norms for positive self-perceptions (Bashi, 2007; Cadge Ecklund, 2006; Ebaugh Curry, 2000; Foley Hoge, 2007; Kurien, 2006; Maynard-Reid, 2000; Stepick et al., 2009; Vickerman, 2001a; Waters, 1999). Specifically, these associations develop and reinforce ethnic identities and reinforce an “immigrant ideology” and associated traits such as achievement, hard work, and piety (Bashi, 2007; Vickerman, 1999). Religious communities, then, constitute co-ethnic social networks that provide extensive psychological, social and community benefits and services to Caribbean immigrant communities (Bashi, 2007; Stepick et al., 2009). Religious institutions within Caribbean Black communities in the U.S. also mediate the broader social, political and racial environments for their constituents, a function that is particularly critical with respect to race. The U.S. context places Caribbean Blacks in a social system in which their racial background (i.e., black race) is salient, devalued and stigmatized and which adversely impacts life circumstances and opportunities in several domains (e.g., education, employment, housing, and health care). Furthermore, because the significance attached to race in the U.S. is at odds with their prior socialization experiences, Caribbean Blacks develop a new sense of self in relation to prevailing racial and ethnic hierarchies (i.e., “learn to be black”) and that incorporates their status as immigrants. This ongoing process of confrontation and negotiation occurs within.