E the ways in which negotiations for the care of AIDS

E the ways in which negotiations for the care of AIDS orphans utilizes the cultural logics of bridewealth and patrilineality in order to justify a range of configurations of care.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptSituating caregiving: fostering, migrant labour, and marriageLike many of the grandmothers I spoke with, ‘M’e Matau lived with her own maternal grandmother from early childhood until she was 15 years old. She was sent by her parents to provide companionship and to assist her grandmother with household chores. Basotho like ‘M’e Matau use what they know about fostering from their own experiences and adapt it to accommodate shifting domestic arrangements stemming from the increase in the number of orphans. While this recent increase is perhaps more dramatic owing to the severity and scale of the AIDS pandemic, caregiving practices, including child fostering, have always been in flux, shifting in response to historical and political-economic circumstances. In this section, I situate long-standing child fostering Isoarnebin 4 chemical information practices that serve as the basis for the contemporary movement of AIDS orphans, and trace the legal and historical processes that have impacted these practices, with a focus on migrant labour and marriage. Child fostering has been widely studied across the African continent (Bledsoe 1989; Goody 1982; Madhavan 2004; Renne 1993). It is typically characterized by the movement of children for a variety of purposes related to health, fertility, social responsibility, caregiving relationships, apprenticeship, and educational opportunities. Despite numerous characterizations of fostering as fundamentally reciprocal in nature (Bledsoe 1989), such practices are not always HIV-1 integrase inhibitor 2 chemical information beneficial or voluntary. Several scholars have highlighted the role that poverty plays in the circulation of children, often transferring the productive contributions of children from one household to another (Goody 1982; Leinaweaver 2007; Schrauwers 1999). Thus, processes that shape social relationships are not always unambiguously positive, alliance-building strategies, but may also be necessitated by poverty, inequality, and disease. Child fostering has a long history in Lesotho as a regular strategy for sharing responsibility and supporting and connecting kin (Murray 1981; Page 1989). In Lesotho, HIV/AIDS has been a major factor in changing fostering patterns, as it has elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. 4 Household migration has been an important coping strategy employed by children and families impacted by AIDS (Ansell van Blerk 2004). Although orphans are still predominantly cared for within the family, researchers worry that family and communitybased networks of care are becoming saturated (Abebe Aase 2007; Courtney Iwaniec 2009; L. Townsend Dawes 2004). Others also note that increased pressure on caregivers has resulted in some children receiving inadequate care, as caregivers struggle to meet these children’s needs, whether financial (Ansell van Blerk 2004; Kidman, Petrow Heymann 2007) or emotional and psycho-social (Ansell Young 2004; Nyesigomwe 2005). The emergence and uncertainty of matrilocal care must be understood as embedded in a context4UNICEF (2010) estimates that there are 110,000?20,000 AIDS orphans in Lesotho; of these children, 12,000 are HIV-positive. J R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPagethat is constrained not only by AIDS and poverty but also by a varie.E the ways in which negotiations for the care of AIDS orphans utilizes the cultural logics of bridewealth and patrilineality in order to justify a range of configurations of care.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptSituating caregiving: fostering, migrant labour, and marriageLike many of the grandmothers I spoke with, ‘M’e Matau lived with her own maternal grandmother from early childhood until she was 15 years old. She was sent by her parents to provide companionship and to assist her grandmother with household chores. Basotho like ‘M’e Matau use what they know about fostering from their own experiences and adapt it to accommodate shifting domestic arrangements stemming from the increase in the number of orphans. While this recent increase is perhaps more dramatic owing to the severity and scale of the AIDS pandemic, caregiving practices, including child fostering, have always been in flux, shifting in response to historical and political-economic circumstances. In this section, I situate long-standing child fostering practices that serve as the basis for the contemporary movement of AIDS orphans, and trace the legal and historical processes that have impacted these practices, with a focus on migrant labour and marriage. Child fostering has been widely studied across the African continent (Bledsoe 1989; Goody 1982; Madhavan 2004; Renne 1993). It is typically characterized by the movement of children for a variety of purposes related to health, fertility, social responsibility, caregiving relationships, apprenticeship, and educational opportunities. Despite numerous characterizations of fostering as fundamentally reciprocal in nature (Bledsoe 1989), such practices are not always beneficial or voluntary. Several scholars have highlighted the role that poverty plays in the circulation of children, often transferring the productive contributions of children from one household to another (Goody 1982; Leinaweaver 2007; Schrauwers 1999). Thus, processes that shape social relationships are not always unambiguously positive, alliance-building strategies, but may also be necessitated by poverty, inequality, and disease. Child fostering has a long history in Lesotho as a regular strategy for sharing responsibility and supporting and connecting kin (Murray 1981; Page 1989). In Lesotho, HIV/AIDS has been a major factor in changing fostering patterns, as it has elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. 4 Household migration has been an important coping strategy employed by children and families impacted by AIDS (Ansell van Blerk 2004). Although orphans are still predominantly cared for within the family, researchers worry that family and communitybased networks of care are becoming saturated (Abebe Aase 2007; Courtney Iwaniec 2009; L. Townsend Dawes 2004). Others also note that increased pressure on caregivers has resulted in some children receiving inadequate care, as caregivers struggle to meet these children’s needs, whether financial (Ansell van Blerk 2004; Kidman, Petrow Heymann 2007) or emotional and psycho-social (Ansell Young 2004; Nyesigomwe 2005). The emergence and uncertainty of matrilocal care must be understood as embedded in a context4UNICEF (2010) estimates that there are 110,000?20,000 AIDS orphans in Lesotho; of these children, 12,000 are HIV-positive. J R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPagethat is constrained not only by AIDS and poverty but also by a varie.